Christina, opposite Nestor Kirchner
Christina Kirchner Retracing the path opened by Néstor Kirchner continuesAnd now you take the risk go the other way Of that path. This time he did not take the first step, but perhaps he is taking the most decisive or most decisive step. Even if the contrary is proposed.
He Operative(self)crying which he himself started presiding over Justice Party Is More than a contradiction with the old contempt that he has devoted to the instrument created by Juan Perón himself As an election tool. It is an expression of a serious political position rather than an expression of relative power He still retains a large share of the national Peronist electorate.
Prime silence Christian self-assertion within Peronism and some adhered to lukewarm reactions The situation of protest is different from the applause and cheering that used to follow his announcements until recently. They also reveal a new expression of sad end of the cycleWhich is what Kirchnerism is going through and which has been alive for almost a decade.
The U-turn in her husband’s career is undeniable. Shortly after becoming president in 2003, Néstor Kirchner proposed more than just taking control of the PJ. As they did in 2005 by defeating Eduardo Duhalde and co-opt the powerful structures of Buenos Aires Peronism.
from that moment, Santa Cruz man starts breaking the boundaries of PJs to create something biggerAs was Kirchnerism, which he transformed into a hegemonic force within Peronism for nearly two decades and in national politics for a dozen years.
Christina Kirchner is now breaking the narrow boundaries of Kirchnerism to take formal control of PJ And opens the way to the big question that keeps many Peronist leaders and political advisers concerned about that place.
The important question that non-Christian Peronism asks is whether the former vice president will shrink Peronism by imposing his own limits on it, in the process, rather than strengthening and expanding the junta and blocking renewal rather than expanding. Will give, as she says,
Background of what was done by Maximo Kirchner Over the past four years it has supported a concern that spreads like an oil spill. When the son of both presidents took over the leadership of the Buenos Aires PJ, it gave rise to a hypothesis that its purpose was to break the narrow siege of La Camphora in order to expand its domain on the one hand, and to rejuvenate Was. Peronism, on the other.
Time showed that although the youth group conquered municipal territories and improved (in the broad sense) the personal situation of many of its leaders, it also suffered disputes, migrations or separations (Andrés “Cuervo Larocque and Axel Kicillof). cases are the norm), he gained internal enemies (in addition to the external enemies he already had) and did not add any more context or new young militants.
Conversely, as camp leaders held positions (national, provincial, municipal, and in public and private companies) they aged and their national government failed, New young voters distanced themselves from that place Or they viewed it with horror, as a reference to a place where they could not belong and did not belong. Xavier Miley continues to thank themThe future they presented was still in the rearview mirror in the present that everyone suffered from, and even more so by those who had not lived through that mythical past.
failed government of Alberto FernandezWhom Cristina Kirchner (and La Cámpora) brought to the presidency, ended in electoral defeat in 2023 and came to the presidency stranger Situated at the epitome of Kirchnerist narrative and praxis, it did not even formally have its own party at the national level and had made its full electoral debut only two years earlier.
It is the result of this process that it went into deep recession in 2013 due to the failure of the government and was able to survive. mauricio macriThis is the lowest number of governors and legislators left under Peronism since 1983.
After spending a year in the desert and in a challenging landscape in which the opposition government maintains high popularity ratings, although successes are delayed, Christina once again presents herself as the savior of a confused force with no new leadership emerging.,
Former President still appears as reference high destination of the faithful (Most surveys give them more than 35 positive image scores) But under the roof of followers (about 60% rejection) outside their flock. It also reinforces its position plug in for renewalNeither does she leave the place, nor do others have the courage to occupy it without giving access.
The bigger question is why, beyond the formal need to renew the party leadership, he is now running to preside over the PJ, which is still in the hands of Alberto Fernández, exiled from Puerto Madero. The true expression of the position of the hegemonic party.
There is a lot of speculation and hypothesis. Beyond the foundations expressed by Christina Kirchner herself, “straightening what was crooked” and relaunching Peronism (which is not the same as renewal). Personal and political reasons come to the fore in the arguments and justifications put forward in Peronism.
,Christina noticed that polls began to show a decline in Miley and support for the government.And she thought it was time to go out and capture the scene and, since no one managed to settle into it and materialize it, she did it, “they say in her entourage.
Added to this is the fear of more Disintegration of Peronismgetting closer and closer to looking like that Confederation of Provincial Partiesof divergent interests, which became the UCR after Fernando de la Rúa’s early departure from power in 2001.
The harsh accusation of “political transfusism” that he dedicated yesterday to the deputies who supported the veto of the university financing law and, therefore, to the governors is part of this same plan. Osvaldo Jaldofrom Tucumán, and Raul JalilFrom Catamarca, to which those legislators respond. No one can accuse her of losing her political response, although one can question whether the response she is giving meets the new demands.
However, the sense of the occasion is questioned by an adviser to whom Peronism usually listens: “It seems to me that he was in a hurry to see the surveys that show Miley is falling and Axel (Kisiloff) is rising. Is. But, as Napoleon said, if your enemy is making mistakes, why hinder the mistake?
The mention of Governor Kicillof is not accidental and there comes another reaction. ,Eight years earlier, she had given Axel the privileges as her son-in-law to prevent her biological son from retiring. Now, when Axel confronts Máximo and La Campora, and begins to expand the alliance inside and outside of Peronism, he sets out to stop him from going through with his retirement process.Because that will be the inevitable fate. Under its shadow no one can cross its boundaries. And unless someone dares to try to break those boundaries, she will not give anyone a ladder,” explains a Peronist from Buenos Aires who knows the impenetrable Kirchnerist world like few others.
Kicillof’s silence and the scope of his trust, which has expanded little since his transition from economist to politicianAs well as the ratification of the Loyalty Day event in which he will be the only speaker and he is not expected to go to the “boss”, he expresses the dilemmatic situation in which Christina Kirchner placed him.
“Axel’s lateralization is progressing at an accelerated pace”Ironic, says a Peronist who was once a Kirchnerist. A malicious reference to the failed attempt to become President of Horacio Rodriguez Larreta The former head of the Government of Buenos Aires and his former head are placed in the position of indispensable candidate Lack of determination to subdue party leader Mauricio MacriAll analogies are imperfect, but the cartoons highlight the similarities.
In circles distant from the former President it is also argued that two motivations that were always very powerful for him came together for his nomination: Epicureanism and self-preservation“Being the first woman to chair the PJ, as she says herself, glorifies what would have been defection to her in other times. At the same time, he gives him a formal position to protect him from the bad news he believes he will receive from the Justice. Being the head of the Patria Institute is not the same as being the president of the main opposition party. This is a big argument to say that he is a victim of political-judicial oppression. Ahead Law and order he never“explains a former Kirchner official who is now Kicillof’s official. His position of assimilation into that place and not being a full member allows him to say what anyone at the governor’s (Mouse’s) desk has the right to say. Not allowed.
However, the uneasiness, discomfort and tacit or elliptical rejection that the former president’s self-nomination has generated in the increasingly heterodox arc of non-Christian Peronism has not translated into the formation of a pole willing to oppose him.
bus rezoning ricardo quintela He had the courage to say that he was continuing his efforts to chair the PJ and, without any guile, he stressed that he would continue to meet “face to face” “With all the companions.” A way to underline the distance imposed by the former president. Also a way to increase the price.
in your favor, “The Boss” still has a lot of great qualities that no candidate to oust him can show.In addition to his irrepressible vocation to power and his reluctance to give it up, the emotional bond he created with a large portion of the Peronist electorate has no equal and is surpassed in history only by Juan and Eva Peron. The failures of his governments, unsuccessful elections of candidates and the passage of time have hardly weakened his relationship with his loyal people.
Emotional bond forms between former presidents disability This is what any candidate who wants to succeed lacks: it makes him immune to contradictions And this gives him a flexibility that the rest cannot enjoy without risking falling into contradiction and gaining the nickname of a traitor.
In this way, Christina Kirchner can speak in favor of it, as she has been doing since the beginning of the current government Review the dogmas that she herself could sanctifyOr earlier. From labor laws to privatization, which also includes educational policies. Thus it confronts and presents a version that is supposedly far better than the environment of the time. While their internal rivals sing old protest songs, with a trap base, to hide it.
For Christians, there are no discrepancies. he is the measure of all thingscamper said this Mariano Ricalde: “Christina always makes decisions based on what is best for the whole.” New paragraph.
Or as another typical tourist just said, eduardo de pedroWithout blushing or self-criticism: “The government of Alberto Fernández was not a Peronist government.” Above all, because, as explained, the former president never answered the questions raised by Christina Kirchner in order to correct course (political and personal).
The call for unity that Christina Kirchner presented with her self-proclamation has not yet awakened, there has been no flood of enthusiastic people willing to join beyond their membership. Along with uneasiness, mistrust also abounds. The document itself expresses the limits and conditions that the “boss” establishes. And over the past 14 years, its antecedents abound less willingness to listen to disagreements By the former President.
The fear that their decision to abandon the boundaries of Kirchnerism would shrink Peronism rather than renew and expand it paralyzes many Peronists, who are unable to find even better destinations or recipients.
Christina takes the risk of turning against Nestor, but, At the moment, no one is daring to refute it with sufficient determination and probability of success.Apart from the 3.5% inflation rate in September, the government has another reason to celebrate.
Type of work: Analysis
Interpretation of news based on evidence, including probabilistic data and estimates based on past events.
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