Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador is gearing up for his next battle in Congress. The head of the executive presented this Monday a comprehensive package of constitutional reforms, focusing on the final year of his government and the presidential elections. The proposals would require opposition votes for approval and would range from the creation of a new pension scheme to the restructuring of the judiciary, the disappearance of autonomous bodies, changes to the electoral system and the permanent militarization of the Guard. National. These are some of the key points of the 20 initiatives: 18 constitutional and two legal, which do not require a qualified majority.
López Obrador has proposed changes to the pension system so that workers receive their full salary upon retirement, rather than just half, as is the case with the current plan, which has been in place since 1997. In the face of criticism about the feasibility of the initiative, the President has said that the government will take on some of the economic burden to provide relief to the employer sector. The popularity of the proposal, which promises to shake up the political situation in the June 2 elections, has forced the opposition to declare its support despite its initial reluctance. How the legislative debate will be marked: Morena assures that it will be partially financed with resources recovered from the disappearance of state bodies, while opponents say it will be a democratic blow. The President also seeks to give constitutional status to the delivery of social programs: he has proposed reducing the minimum age for receiving pensions for older adults from 68 to 65, extending pensions to people with disabilities, and granting scholarships to students from poor families.
Murray proposes that the ministers of the Supreme Court, as well as other judges and magistrates of the judicial branch, be elected by popular vote. López Obrador has accused the high court of being a “conservative power” and “corrupt”, while opponents and experts warn that the change opens the door to profiles that are not qualified and to interest groups or even That interference by organized crime. Draft reforms that have circulated intend to reduce the full court from 11 to nine ministers, reduce its term of office from 15 to 12 years, and reduce the salaries of its members.
“The judiciary cannot remain a set of institutions serving political interests,” López Obrador said in his speech. On the verge of a new confrontation between the powers, the ruling faction defends the need for a “clean sweep” in the branch of justice administration to guarantee its independence. The opposition believes the opposite, which is an attempt to weaken and punish the judges after blocking several priority projects for this administration.
The increase in minimum wage has been one of the most popular measures of this six-year term. López Obrador has made changes to Article 123, which regulates work, so that workers’ earnings increases are never less than inflation. It also aims to guarantee base wages and labor rights in key sectors such as teachers, health workers, police and soldiers. The National Education Employees Union and other major union organizations have made public their support for the President’s plan. The opposition has maintained doubts about the budgetary feasibility of the project, but its rejection could have implications for the elections.
López Obrador has been a vocal critic of autonomous bodies, considering them “a gilded bureaucracy”. The President is going to dismantle these organizations, which are designed not to be influenced by the government in power and to serve as a counterweight to government actions that violate the interests of citizens. The proposal is to eliminate institutions like INAI, created to monitor the accountability of rulers and the protection of personal data, and regulatory bodies like the Federal Economic Competition Commission (Cofece) or the Energy Regulatory Commission (CRE).
The debate starts at the extremes: The president says “they’re useless” and his opponents see a risk that the executive will once again concentrate power. After declaring that his intention was to attack “everyone”, López Obrador clarified that the National Human Rights Commission would not be affected by the initiative. The proposal has political and economic implications: it will be discussed whether these institutions are still useful to citizens and whether the resources they provide could be allocated to other areas, such as pensions.
In his first attempt at electoral reform after failing in the so-called Plan B, López Obrador announced that he would propose new changes that would affect the National Electoral Institute (INE) and the organization of voting. The President advocates reducing the number of representatives from 500 to 300 legislators and from 128 to 64 senators. He also said that funding for political parties and political campaigns would be reduced by the logic of saving resources. The cuts would include the creation of a new electoral referee with a more limited structure that would absorb the functions performed by local representation. It is proposed that electoral councilors should be elected by direct vote of the citizens. It also aims to remove locks from popular consultations, which currently require 40% voter participation to be binding and, with the reform, only 30%. The opposition has insisted that “INE has not been touched” and estimates that they will not support the proposal.
The National Guard has been this Government’s most ambitious commitment in the fight against insecurity. López Obrador wants the corporation to depend on the Secretariat of National Defense (SEDANA) not just temporarily but permanently. One of the conditions imposed by the opposition to support its creation at the beginning of the six-year term was the transition to civilian command. Despite questions about militarization and concessions to the army in the civilian sector, the President assures that the security of Sedena is fundamental against violence and to guarantee that the Guard is not infiltrated by criminals. This proposal reignites the debate on the security policy of this Government and the impact of crime, one of the biggest concerns of the population.
The fentanyl crisis has been one of the most difficult issues in bilateral relations with the United States. Facing pressure from Washington, López Obrador has denied that fentanyl is produced in Mexico and assured that the country is merely a transit zone for the drug. Political turmoil has also affected the health sector: a national addiction survey has not been conducted for years and the government denies that consumption of the substance south of the border has recently increased. The President has proposed banning by law the use of fentanyl and other synthetic drugs, which has been criticized for criminalizing users and violating their right to health to receive treatment and medications that could save their lives. Are. The prohibitionist stance also casts doubt on its effectiveness as a measure in the so-called war on drugs.
López Obrador has adopted austerity as a hallmark of his administration and has defended the idea that no public official should earn more than the president. Under the slogan that “there cannot be a rich government and a poor people,” the President advocates enshrining this principle in the Constitution and as “state policy.” The opposition claims that taking austerity to extremes has been counterproductive for various government bodies and has complicated their functions. The government insists that if it tightens its belt it can use these resources for pensions and the social programs it promotes.
Last week, the Supreme Court invalidated a reform by López Obrador that sought to give primacy to the Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) in the electricity sector. The President announced that he would push for this project, which he would make adjustments to give more certainty to private sector actors. The companies claim that the Electricity Industry Law gives unfair advantages to CFEs and limits private participation in the sector. This has also led to trade tensions with the United States and Canada, who say it is against the USMCA. The President believes that the setback came during the government of his predecessor Enrique Peña Nieto, and he will try to return to a plan where the role of the state was dominant. “CFE will be a public and strategic company,” he said.
It is the most ambitious reform package ever presented by López Obrador. He did so in his final year in power, confident that his political legacy and the foundation of the next government were at stake. The series of initiatives also comes a month before the presidential campaign begins, the final step that will define his successor. Forced to position himself at the pace set by the president, the opposition alleges this is Los Pinos’ last-ditch effort to interfere in the election, while Morena is determined to demonstrate that his rivals are an obstacle to the change he seeks. The country needs it. The fate of the much-awaited proposals is uncertain and will be decided in the Legislature, but it will have implications beyond both Houses.
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(Tags to translate)Mexico(T)United States(T)Latin America(T)Andres Manuel López Obrador(T)AMLO administration(T)Morena(T)PAN(T)PRI(T)Civil Movement(T)Chamber of Deputies Mexico
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