Why is Miley coming? , ctxt.es

Xavier Miley is the latest reactionary wave of the new reactionary wave sweeping the world. He is neither a National Catholic nor a traditional neo-Francoist like Abascal or Aznar. He’s not even Bolsonaro or Trump, although he may look like them. It is violent and disruptive in its nature. He insults his opponents while brandishing a chainsaw as a symbol of his program and takes the form of group Of the Rolling Stones or the Sex Pistols. He is not a military man like Bolsonaro. There is no billionaire like Trump. And precisely for this reason, its message, supposedly “libertarian”, is able to reach middle and lower echelons where other far-right groups cannot easily reach. People who are scared and feel alone amid rampant capitalism that only provides uncertainty and uncertainty. There is a growing resentment among people towards “traditional”, “progressive” or so-called “popular” politics, which have not addressed their most pressing problems.

In Miley’s case, what is striking is that these disruptive, explicitly “anti-caste” forms disseminate an extremely elitist economic program in the service of the most extractive and rentier capitalist castes. And Miley represents that. A neoliberalism that promises to annihilate the masses and ruthlessly undermine the formal or informal rights of the working classes. “Freedom”, in this scheme, is the rise of the individual who renounces community ties, who is willing to sell his organs rather than form a union to defend his rights as a worker. A superior, radical phase of Thatcherism began in a semiperipheral country in the world economy.

Miley’s radicalism makes her particularly attractive to the Western far right. From the extreme right and some right-wing parties who claim to be liberal but who do not hate the neo-fascist outcome that a discourse and a project like theirs can have. It is not in vain that Miley is a figure of Argentina’s extreme right, but he is also reportedly the subject of the more “liberal” Mauricio Macri, who is providing him with technical staff as well as political and business support. And it is not in vain, he has close relations with Abascal, but also with José María Aznar, who did not hesitate to visit him in Argentina.

Both Abascal and Aznar are aware that Miley could play an important role in the reactionary international

Indeed, both Abascal and Aznar are aware of the important role that someone like Miley can play in a reactionary international that unites the radical Western right. Because of the fanaticism of its neo-Thatcherism. For its anti-communism, for its anti-socialism and for its anti-terrorist communitarianism. And also for the commercial possibilities that a president like Miley could offer to the most extractive and rent-seeking capitals, with which the Spanish right has a privileged relationship.

Paradoxically, this broader neoliberalism defended by Miley is somewhat anachronistic in a deglobalized world where the great powers once again defend forms of protectionism and interventionism in the economy. In fact, it is difficult to imagine many of the “liberal” babbles of Trump, Marine Le Pen or Giorgia Meloni Miley subscribing to the rhetoric that has already led to the collapse of industry in Argentina and the closure of hundreds of small and medium-sized businesses. Businesses have collapsed.

This neither happens with Vox nor with PP. Both of these are the part of the European right that is most submissive to foreign financial and speculative capital, which is not a reason to cheer enthusiastically at every roar of the Militant chainsaw.

Whoever reads carefully the official statement issued by the Argentine presidency in response to the trivial provocation of the PSOE minister, Oscar Puente, will, without any conspiratorial intention, attribute it to a writer from the FAES headed by Vox or Aznar. can give. The document is, in fact, a literal collection of the great themes of the Spanish radical right. The accusations against his progressive or Republican opponents resorted to outright lies and open insults. The criminalization of poor immigrants with the aim of dividing and confronting the working classes. The stigmatization of the thousands of Basques, Catalans, Galicians who do not vote for them or do not share their stale and homogenist Spanish nationalism. Characterizing any redistributive measure, no matter how timid, as “socialist policies that bring only promises and death”.

And before him, the door to violent reaction is open. This may involve the use of chainsaw-like metaphors, but it is also expressed in Miley’s misogyny, in her attacks on the triumphs of the feminist or LGTBI movement, or in her shameless praise of dictatorial experiences like Videla and his henchmen. Here, Miley’s denials of the crimes of the Argentine dictatorship explicitly connect with Vox and PP’s refusal to explicitly condemn Francoism. Among other reasons, as a sign that they are not ready to give up their repressive methods because they do not refuse to use them if circumstances force them to do so.

It is true that the proximity to someone like Miley on the eve of the European elections is inconvenient for certain sectors of the PP that want to be seen as “liberal” or “Europeanist”. But there are many who, openly or secretly, value the benefits of associating themselves with a leader with whom they share significant similarities in the geopolitical arena.

One of Miley’s first decisions upon becoming president was to remove Argentina from the BRICS grouping, composed of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. Unlike other Latin American governments such as those of Gustavo Petro, Lula or Manuel López Obrador, Miley assumed full alignment with the United States. Not only this. In order to strengthen some business alliances in Argentina, Miley exaggerated his attitude towards Judaism and decided to fully support Netanyahu’s criminal policy in Gaza.

Furthermore, parallels with Abascal and the more Aznarist PP are obvious. Formally, Miley is a signatory of the Madrid Charter promoted by Vox’s DiCenso Foundation in 2020. There he appears alongside figures such as Chilean far-right José Caste, former president’s son Eduardo Bolsonaro or Meloni himself. However, this has not prevented him from maintaining good relations with the Foundation for Freedom, which has been chaired by the Marquis of Vargas Llosa since 2002 and among which are Aznar, Macri and other former Latin American presidents such as Mexico’s Felipe Calderón and Iván Luis Marquis. Member. From Duque, Colombia.

These international networks of the far right and extreme right have their two “political capitals” of reference in Madrid and Miami. In fact, a large part of its funding is tied to US networks like Atlas –atlas network, In English – dedicated to “promoting free market economic policies around the world”.

This is another key to Miley’s visit to Madrid. And her radical Thatcherism and her penchant for exterminating the masses not only excites the political right. They are also seen as a unique business opportunity by some of the larger IBEX companies with Spanish or US capital.

Aznar’s recent meeting with Miley in Buenos Aires is explained from this perspective. In addition to chairing FAES and being a member of the International Foundation for Freedom, headed by Vargas Llosa, Aznar is the representative of a hundred companies that have a strong interest in the large investment promotion system that the Miley government is promoting.

Aznar was already a lobbyist in the Argentine crisis of 2001. At that time he worked to protect the interests of Spanish companies and financial institutions such as BBVA. Many of them, in fact, had benefited from the privatization of the 90s promoted by the government of Peronist Carlos Menem and could have been harmed by the “corralito” of bank deposits.

Currently, Aznar maintains ties with energy and mining corporations. In fact, he even intervened at the time to ask Endesa, the owner of Adessur, to raise rates or ask Macri to favor Barrick Gold’s investment.

Recently, Aznar went to see Miley with Germán Alcide Fort. Alcide was his chief of staff and is currently president of the Atlantic Institute of Government, a school that facilitates the lobbying work of companies in areas such as green hydrogen or lithium. Many of these companies are anxiously waiting for Mieli to completely deregulate the labor market and guarantee them a favorable tax regime, because, with their usual dissatisfaction, they believe that previous coalition governments have been unfair to workers. There has been a highly biased approach towards interests.

Miley’s visit to Madrid is no small event, neither for Vox, nor for PP, nor for the important sectors of IBEX 35

As can be seen, Miley’s visit to Madrid is not a small event, neither for Vox, nor for the PP, nor for important sectors of the Confederation of Spanish Business Organizations IBEX 35. For the radical right, Miley’s presence is important because it allows them to reinforce their own neoliberal, classist, racist, and anti-feminist discourse. Moreover, because it allows them to strengthen their relations with a southern partner with whom they share a common geopolitical outlook, the subjugation of the Western bloc led by the United States and the occupation of Gaza by Israel. Based on unwavering support for the genocide being carried out. And especially, because they know that Miley can favor the businesses of large Spanish or multinational corporations with which she has close ties.

It would be a big mistake for progressive or leftist forces to underestimate the background of this visit and the reactionary alliances it has strengthened. It would also be a mistake to limit Miley to ridicule as an extraordinary and deranged character, condemned to instantly disappear from the scene. On the contrary, it is essential that progressive forces understand that Miley is a rising, disruptive figure of a new reactionary wave, with a huge presence on the network, who is able to recruit to herself not only big millionaires but also the middle and popular people. Is. Areas that have poor people who can surrender to his angry, violent and unsupportive rhetoric.

This threat was first detected by Argentine workers, who had already organized several strikes to stop the most stringent versions of the Base Law promoted by Miley. And also university students, who, in a very traditional way, took to the streets to protect a very precious asset of the country, public education. And of course, the mothers and grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo, who together with various human rights organizations came out on March 24 to never again repeat the barbarity of the civil-military dictatorship.

On this side of the ocean, awareness of the threat has been weak. It is no coincidence that the first initiatives to find relevance to reactionary summits have been feminist initiatives such as My Voice, My Decision, which has been protesting for several days by denouncing lesbophobic murders in Argentina while defending the European recognition of the right to free abortion. being, or protecting, migrant groups, unions and public services. These groups, along with other anti-fascist organizations, are calling for rallies to reject Miley’s presence and a reactionary summit, which will take place this Sunday at 11:00 am in Madrid’s Plaza de Colón. And the current context of capitalist crisis, climate emergency and rampant warmongering is the ideal breeding ground for the growth of right-wing groups increasingly radicalized and violent in their classism, racism and sexism. This neo-fascism with many faces will have to be fought in the cultural and ideological fields. But it must also be challenged materially, through courageous institutional actions and street mobilization. Neither indifference nor hesitation is an option. To paraphrase Benjamin, the fire alarm is rising rapidly and there is much at stake in terms of the survival of democracy and the most basic human rights.